An opinion piece by Dr Mabutho Shangase

There appears to be a growing trend of advocacy and political support for Dr Pieter Groenewald and the Freedom Front Plus (FF+) among black users of social media platforms. Although the overall scope of the campaign has not yet been precisely defined, its presence is nonetheless widespread and highly salient. Certain observers have characterised the expanding campaign as a financially orchestrated initiative, allegedly involving the deployment of artificial intelligence by those more broadly opposed to the African National Congress (ANC) and black political parties. There is a younger generation of black people who have aligned themselves with Pieter Groenewald and accordingly express their support of and strong confidence in him, despite criticism and accusations of complicity with a white-centred political agenda. Notably, the campaign also includes older black people who were born into, and subsequently lived through, the apartheid era, and who are now likely to be of retirement age.

Amid the ongoing contention and associated public discourse, it is noteworthy that the FF+ has noted the brewing campaign. While segments of the public appear to be captivated by the campaign, it is important to note that Pieter Groenewald is not the incumbent leader of the FF+ – the position is currently held by Dr Corné Mulder. Pieter Groenewald serves as a Member of Parliament representing the party and holds the portfolio of Minister of Correctional Services in the grand coalition Government of National Unity (GNU).

How did the South African political landscape and its historical trajectory evolve to produce these developments? To address this question, it is essential to consider the recent sequence of events, with particular emphasis on the general election held in May 2024. The May 2024 election is widely recognised as a crucial juncture in the political history of South Africa, precipitating profound realignments within the party system. It not only brought an end to the era of single-party dominance by the ANC, but also introduced the GNU coalition as the new arrangement of executive authority. With the distribution of ministerial portfolios among the ten parties participating in the grand coalition, the executive arena was transformed into a site of political performance in which parties could enhance their visibility, strategically promote their agendas and demonstrate their governing capacity to the electorate.

Based on sentiment expressed on social media – which currently constitutes the only accessible source of anecdotal data – there appears to be clearly identifiable electoral beneficiaries as well as parties that have been comparatively disadvantaged. Considering their recent cabinet performance, parties such as the FF+ seem to have successfully secured increased levels of public approval and support. By contrast, other parties – namely the Democratic Alliance (DA), the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the Pan African Congress (PAC), the Patriotic Alliance (PA), Al Jama-ah, the United Democratic Movement (UDM), the Good Party and Rise Mzansi – have not attained a commensurate level of public support or favourability. The main party experiencing the greatest net loss remains the ANC, irrespective of its public posturing and rhetoric within the executive as the leader of the GNU.

In his portfolio of Correctional Services, Pieter Groenewald has discharged his responsibilities with notable diligence and immediacy, instituting prison raids and actively engaging with the structural problem of overcrowding, paying particular attention to the presence of foreign nationals in the correctional facilities of South Africa. Furthermore, the Portfolio Committee on Correctional Services presented disaggregated data quantifying the presence and distribution of foreign nationals currently incarcerated in national correctional facilities. The sobering depiction highlighted not only the problem of overcrowding, but also the ramifications of immigration and criminal activity for South African infrastructure and public services that are intended to benefit citizens. Groenewald pledged to implement a series of policy interventions to address these issues, including the large-scale repatriation of foreign nationals convicted of crimes, so that they serve their custodial sentences, in whole or in part, in the correctional systems of their countries of origin.

This contextual background can be regarded as the primary catalyst that has drawn Groenewald to the attention of black communities in particular, as he inadvertently engaged with the issue of immigration – a topic that many marginalised constituencies consider to be of central significance in the contemporary political discourse in South Africa.

Irrespective of efforts by certain segments of society to dismiss or trivialise the issue of immigration in South Africa, it remains a significant and influential factor in politics to date. Like developments observed internationally, immigration has arisen as a pivotal determinant in the structuring of national political dynamics. Illegal cross-border migration and its associated phenomena – including illegal mining and various forms of criminal activity – have emerged as recurrent themes in media coverage. Ironically, Gayton McKenzie of the Patriotic Alliance, who was previously outspoken on the issue of illegal immigration and migrants in South Africa, appears to have shifted his focus after assuming the GNU portfolio for Sports, Arts and Culture.

However, the recent surge in support and predilection for Groenewald and the FF+ extends far beyond concerns relating solely to Correctional Services and immigration. To put it more precisely, it is about the relentless search for a politician and a party who will reclaim the South African state and restore governance, national sovereignty, rule of law, order and stability.

Groenewald seems to be perceived by these media followers and potential voters as a politically strong and influential figure, despite his association with right‑wing politics and white minority interests. These developments constitute a critical reflection on black political parties and underscore the extent to which they are disconnected from the interests and lived experiences of their purported constituencies.

The voluntary campaign in support of the FF+ can be interpreted as an expression of distress on the part of black communities who perceive themselves as being marginalised or insufficiently served by their own government. And while the social media activists may represent a numerical minority in the broader society, their political orientation nonetheless signifies a conscious and substantive departure and rupture from political parties that claim to represent, articulate or advance the interests of black people. The primary expectation of citizens is the emergence of political actors who demonstrate robust competence in governance. This encompasses the capacity to effectively uphold the rule of law and national security, preserve public order, grow the economy and consistently prioritise the welfare and interests of citizens.

Dr Mabutho Shangase is a senior lecturer in Political Studies and International Relations at the North-West University.